Healthcare : For Patients or Profits?

(In India, the UPA Government is on the point of enacting a National Health Bill that promises health care ‘reforms’. Will the ‘reforms’ ensure access to healthcare of a uniform standard to all, irrespective of wealth? Or will it take us a step closer to a US model of health care – with the poor left at the mercy of the markets? Interestingly, the US too has recently passed a Health Reform Bill after intense debate. Padma looks at the recently enacted US Health Bill to see if it offers any substantial ‘reform’ of the privatised and unequal healthcare model prevailing in the US; while Indira Chakravarthi looks at the UPA’s Draft National Health Bill to assess its agenda. Dr. Debashish Dutta, President, People’s Health (a W Bengal-based organisation of health activists) shares the experience of the impact of privatisation of health care in West Bengal. While history is witness to the fact that existing healthcare provisions have been won by Left-led working class struggles the world over, and countries like Cuba, in spite of their economic weakness still boast better healthcare than their mighty superpower neighbour, it is unfortunate that West Bengal ruled by the CPI(M)-led Left Front has also capitulated to the neoliberal prescriptions as have most other Indian states.- Ed/-)

Draft National Health Bill:
Health ‘Reforms’ for Markets, Not People

Indira Chakravarti

In January 2009 the Indian government put out a working draft of a National Health Bill “to provide for protection and fulfilment of rights in relation to health and wellbeing, health equity and justice, including those related to all the underlying determinants of health as well as health care; and for achieving the goal of health for all; and for matters connected therewith or incidental thereto”.
The Preamble admits that the persisting inequities, denials and violations in the matter of health in the country are cause for concern to all. Hence “the need to mandate, enable, authorize, guide, and where necessary, limit, health policies and actions (emphasis added) by all the relevant stake-holders, including the communities/ civil society, within a rights based approach, so as to lead to actualization of right to health for all”. According to the draft Bill there is also the need to (i) set a broad legal framework for providing essential public health services and functions, ……… principally through the State and local public health agencies, in collaboration with others in the public health system….; (ii) to have an overarching legal framework and a common set of standards, norms and values to facilitate the Governments’ stewardship of private health sector as a partner (emphasis added).
Section II lays down several general obligations of central and state governments towards realization of health and well-being. Such as the general obligation “to provide free and universal1 access to health care services and ensure that there shall not be any denial of health care directly or indirectly, to anyone, by any health care service provider, public or private….”. However, the nature of healthcare services that will be “free and universal” is not clearly defined anywhere. If one were to go by the mention in the preamble of the need for a legal framework to provide essential healthcare services, one can assume that it will be only these essential services that will be free and universal. This is an area of grave concern, because the Bill will end up institutionalizing, making irreversible the ideological shift that has taken place since the 1980s in provision of welfare services by the state. There has been a shift from provision by the state of comprehensive health services2 through a publicly funded, universal, national health system, to free provision of just a minimum, essential package of services only to those identified as poor by the state.

Historical Significance of Comprehensive Healthcare & National Health Services

Since the early 20th century, when medical care began to be provided as a public service on a large-scale3, the provision of such services has been characterized by a debate on the role of the state - should it directly provide the services, or should it only finance the provision, or should it only address the needs of the poor leaving the rest to be provided for by the private providers? Only few countries (such as UK and Cuba) adopted the National Health Service (NHS) system of the then Soviet Union – namely direct provision by the state of as complete a health service as possible4. It is the working class struggles of the late 19th-early 20th century that made profound contributions towards this concept of collective responsibility for provision of basic welfare services, and especially regarding the provision of health services.
In India, around 1947 many eminent doctors and planners for health were influenced by the Soviet and British National Health Systems (NHS). The oft-quoted Bhore Committee of 1946 framed a blueprint for provision in the country of comprehensive health services through a national health system. Given the need then for a vast health service for the vast rural population and the difficulty faced in attracting medical practitioners to the countryside, it concluded that “the most satisfactory way of meeting the situation was to provide a whole-time salaried service, which would enable government to ensure that doctors are made available where their services are most needed”. These were the recommendations that were adopted in the post-colonial period by the Indian state. Several other Committees later made valuable recommendations to achieve these goals. These were implemented to an extent, and some progress made in terms of creation of infrastructure in the initial five year plan periods.
However, the public health services in India did not grow as envisioned due to factors such as lack of political will; inadequate budgets; pressure from international agencies such as WHO to implement vertical5 programmes for population control and against specific diseases such as malaria; corruption; and reluctance of doctors and specialists (trained in urban medical colleges oriented to western standards) to work in the rural health facilities. At the same time the private healthcare sector in India got subsidies and concessions, and conditions favourable for its unimpeded, unregulated growth, giving rise to a ‘passive privatization’ process.
Several events of the 1960s and 1970s, including the failures of vertical programmes, led to the Alma Ata Declaration of 1978 and the goal of achieving Health for all by 2000 AD6. The Alma Ata declaration, to which all WHO members including India were signatories, re-incarnated the importance of national health systems, although in a tortuous manner through the concept of comprehensive Primary Health Care (PHC). Implementation of PHC had socio-political implications, where governments had to address the underlying social, economic and political causes of poor health, and also build their national health systems.
Many governments, including India, did not implement it seriously. Instead a ‘selective PHC’ approach was advocated by the group of World Bank (WB), Ford and Rockefeller Foundations, USAID, and UNICEF. These institutions argued that the comprehensive PHC of Alma Ata was too unrealistic and costly7; if health statistics were to be improved, high risk groups must be targeted with carefully selected, cost-effective interventions for a limited number of diseases; that, until health care systems are adequately resourced and organized, it is better to deliver a few proven interventions of high efficacy at high levels of coverage, aimed at diseases responsible for the greatest mortality. ‘Selective PHC’ also promotes a biomedical orientation to disease & ill-health: it relies on delivery of ‘medical technologies’ amenable to vertical programmes. Just as smallpox was eradicated through a concerted global effort, for instance, it is argued that diarrhoeal disease, malaria and other common diseases can be tackled in a similar way. It is such ‘selective’ interventions that are largely being delivered as the minimum, essential package of services.

Health Sector Reforms – the Trojan Horse

The inefficiencies of the public sector healthcare system, arising largely from its deliberate neglect, have been used to justify imposition of a series of health sector reforms (HSRs) by many governments, as part of conditionalities of WB loans. The WB has been advocating that governments in poorer countries should focus their scarce public resources on providing a free ‘basic’ or minimum package of preventive and curative services for the poor, while withdrawing from the direct provision of other services. It argues that by encouraging the relatively rich sections of society to use the private sector, the public sector will be able to redirect its resources to those most in need. The assumption is that it is more efficient and equitable to segment health care according to income level – a public sector focused on the poor and a private sector for the rich. This is a major departure from the concept of universal, comprehensive healthcare services.
There is no evidence that such a system is better, more equitable or efficient. On the contrary, the private sector draws on a limited pool of health professionals, and takes away more health care resources than it relieves the public sector of workload8. Segmentation is attractive to private investors, as they can provide health care as a profitable, commercial product to those who can afford it. This is true especially for countries like India, where there is a huge private healthcare sector, as well an upper- and middle-class market to sustain the development and financing of the private health sector.
One finds that the draft National Health Bill intends to provide a legal framework for such a segmented system of healthcare services, thus re-inforcing the inequities and inequalities. Nowhere in the draft is it mentioned that the deficiencies of the existing public healthcare system will be rectified, and that it will be transformed into an universal, efficient, effective and accountable system as envisioned, catering to needs of all sections.
It is not surprising that the National Health Plan (NHP) 2002 shall be one of the plans guiding the National Health Act until other policies and plans are specially notified.
The NHP 2002 is quite emphatic about the need to move towards private provision of health services. According to this policy, “The health needs of the country are enormous and the financial resources and managerial capacity available to meet them, even on the most optimistic projections, fall somewhat short……….. In the context of the very large number of poor in the country, it would be difficult to conceive of an exclusive Government mechanism to provide health services to this category. It has sometimes been felt that a social health insurance scheme, funded by the Government, and with service delivery through the private sector, would be the appropriate solution”. It welcomed the participation of the private sector in all areas of health activities – primary, secondary or tertiary, and said that “The contribution of the private sector in providing health services would be much enhanced, particularly for the population group which can afford to pay for services”. The Policy also encouraged the setting up of private insurance for increasing the coverage of the secondary and tertiary sector under private health insurance packages. In keeping with the selective PHC concept, it prioritized TB, Malaria, Blindness and HIV/AIDS, and called for separate schemes to cater to health needs of women, children, tribals and other socio-economically under-served sections.
The National Health Bill provides for a National and a State Public Health Board (Sec IV) for implementing and monitoring of the Act. The functions of the State Board include: developing mechanisms for initiating public-private partnership in implementation of public health programmes that ensure equity and quality of health care services. Thus, while the centre will continue to deliver certain minimum services for the poor, through the existing infrastructure of peripheral institutions (sub-centres, primary health centres (PHCs), and community health centres (CHCs), the state governments can deliver other services through public-private schemes. The private sector, through direct provision and insurance, will cater to the affluent. Once again, the draft Bill, like the NHP 2002, holds out promises of regulation of this sector.
Questions to be asked
The government’s claims that finances, infrastructure and managerial capacity are insufficient are not very convincing. Is there actually a shortage of financial resources? Or is the ‘shortage’ due to the abysmally low allocations to health in the central and state budgets, despite promises to increase it? Secondly, since the mid-1990s loans were availed from World Bank for health system strengthening (Health Systems Development Programmes -HSDPs), in nearly a dozen states – Punjab, Andhra Pradesh, West Bengal, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh, Orissa, Uttaranchal, Rajasthan, and Tamil Nadu. In almost all states the loan amount is of several hundred crores rupees, repayable at 11-12% interest. The loans were exclusively for: constructing / improving infrastructure at secondary levels; development of management skills; policy reforms; and improving the performance of the healthcare system. What is the outcome of these programmes?
Several irregularities have been reported by the Controller Auditor General (CAG) of India in the HSDPs in almost all the states. Apart from corruption in states like Orissa, what is of major concern is that while the buildings and equipment are there, they are not being utilized due to lack of human resources, shortage of doctors and other staff, and acute lack of specialists, such as surgeons, anaesthetists, and paediatricians. Why are state governments not employing doctors and utilizing this infrastructure effectively? On one hand, we actually have a large number of doctors passing out each year and either leaving the country or joining the private sector. On the other, there is no genuine effort to create favourable conditions to recruit and retain doctors for the public health services. Under the reform measures and WB prescriptions, many appointments are either contractual or ad-hoc, or under specific programmes, or specialists are contracted in as and when required. The general policy of cuts in staff and freeze on recruitments has severely affected public health services in several states. Thus, loan money is being wasted and not utilized for the purpose for which it is being taken.
Together, all this raises questions about the sincerity of the government’s intentions to fulfill (and protect) people’s rights regarding healthcare, and about the objectives of the reforms it is implementing with assistance from WB and other international agencies. While public health services are in dire need of improvement, the on-going HSRs and the proposed National Health Act are ‘reforming’ it, not with interests of the common people in view, but that of commerce and markets.

1 Services for all on the basis of citizenship, rather than ability to pay or insurance scheme criteria.
2 Services covering and meeting all kinds of healthcare needs, from infancy to old age; and not just for specific illnesses or physical illness only, but also preventive and curative.
3 Initiated in Russia in the 1860s through district assemblies.
4 In this system medical and public health services are provided by salaried physicians and other health personnel who work in government hospitals and health centres, the entire population is covered by such services, practically all services are included, and provided free of charge
5 Vertical programmes refer to exclusive programmes for specific diseases, with separate planning, management and implementation structures.
6 The Alma Ata Declaration has to be seen also in the context of the Cold War politics. It was an attempt to deflect the proposals by USSR in the early 1970s that WHO should support developing countries in developing their national health services, instead of supporting vertical programmes.
7 The Cuban health system belies such arguments.
8 The US experience of public funding and private provision shows that it actually increases administrative expenses.

Ilyas khan Baloch

Dare to raise your voice for the inevitable socio-political change in India, to empower the People, the country belongs to.Since the creation of India the people are left at distant from the corridor of power so that the ruling elite can do what they wanted to do in favors of their interest, leaving the people at the mercy of circumstances. As this policy is denial of right of people to rule their country according to their aspiration and desire to build. which can provide equal opportunity to all without any discrimination for the establishment of welfare society. The society base on tolerance, equality and justice can be the real guarantee for the prosperous and dignity of India, there for your intent is invited to the current government policies, which could be the point of distraction or disaster.We have already passed a considerable time in a hope to get the power and be a part of system. But to save the centralized sole power, the ruling elites will not let you in. They want to exploit the resources of the country. The current system, where in transparency and accountability can not be established, is responsible for all this mess, they let the country face much internal chaos which can break the country in part then allowing the masses to rule this country democratically. In reality they have divided the poor and oppressed people in to religion, region, and ethnical basis. In the present circumstances the ruler again dragging our sovereignty at stake for the external interest in the name of national interest, instead of our interest. The centralize sole power in the name of democracy remain in the hands of one or few of them is the real evil responsible for injustice, discrimination. The division within the society will help the exploiter to strengthen their grip on the power, where as the unity amongst poor, worker, farmer, youth, intellectuals, oppressed small nationality, nationalist and progressive forces will provide the guarantee for the real change. The way out of these crucial circumstances is to empower the common Indian at grass route level i.e. the change of system. This change is inevitable for the prosperous country. Along with to provide basic guarantees for the creation of welfare state, where in public representative and institution shall be answerable and accountable to the मस्सेस....

The Popular Momentum that Propelled Obama into US Presidency

The emphatic victory of Barack Obama in the US Presidential elections has generated a great deal of interest and enthusiasm, a veritable ‘Obamania’, across the world. There are indeed several special aspects to this remarkable victory. That he is the first black person to be elected to the highest political office in the US; that his campaign emphasised ‘hope’ and ‘change’ at a time when the US is passing through an extremely gloomy period in its history, and, above all, that his arrival marks the much-awaited end of the hated Bush Presidency, and a decisive popular rejection of its hallmarks, have all added up to make this probably the most memorable election in recent American history. For political observers watching this election from afar, the most encouraging aspect perhaps has been the passionate popular participation that made this election an energised extension of not only the fight against racism but also the wider anti-globalisation, anti-war campaign.
Liberal sociologists in India have already begun reducing Obama’s victory to a sanitised sign of the ‘greatness’ of American democracy and the ‘maturity’ of the African-American community. But, racism in the US is not just a shocking memory of a cruel past; it is still very much a continuing social reality. For large sections of the American working class and the poor, race and class combine, reproducing conditions of systematic discrimination and deprivation. And the African-American community’s sustained struggles against racism have shaped the polarisations of US politics over decades and centuries, from the Civil War through the civil rights movement of the 1960s and the radical Black Power movement in the 1970s and up until the present. If Obama’s eloquent oratory tapped into the depth of an entire community’s yearning for justice, the silent tears of Jesse Jackson, noted US civil rights campaigner and himself a Presidential hopeful of yesteryears, beamed live into television sets across the world, reflected the sense of vindication that Obama’s victory has generated in millions of American hearts.
But what kind of change will Obama’s Presidency bring to the US and its policies? The American ruling elite sees Obama as a political bailout package for the crisis-ridden establishment. Parallels are being drawn between Obama’s promised platform of change and Roosevelt’s New Deal that had rescued the American economy from the ravages of the Great Depression. Through his famous New Deal Roosevelt had translated the Keynesian doctrine of large-scale state intervention (socialisation of investment) into a policy paradigm and the whole thing got a boost from World War II and its outcome that favoured the US and its allies. However desperately the US may need another Rooseveltian rescue act, it is not easy for Obama to replicate that experience in the present juncture in which the US is faced with not only an unprecedented financial crisis but acute political and military challenges.
The early transitional signs emanating from Team Obama indicate more continuity than change in matters of both economic and foreign policies. The political team is dominated heavily by recycled Clinton era strategists while the 17 members of his Transitional Economic Advisory Board are drawn mostly from among top corporate bosses and financial barons. The choice of someone like Rahm Emanuel – a leading member of the rightwing Democratic Leadership Council and a known neo-liberal fundamentalist and pro-Israeli hawk – as the chief of staff can hardly be interpreted as a sign of any salutary change. Obama’s foreign policy pronouncements have been replete with warnings against Iran and Pakistan and his occasional suggestions of withdrawal of US troops from Iraq have been tempered by his emphases on sending fresh military reinforcements to Afghanistan. In the domestic domain, Obama and his managers have already begun to emphasise the need to lower expectations and temper hopes of bringing about the change promised all through his election campaign, notably signalling a slower pace for the reform of the healthcare system, which had been emblematic of the campaign’s rejection of the callousness of neo-liberalism.
While in no way dismissing or underestimating the great importance of Obama’s victory and the possibility contained in the present juncture, progressive forces in the US must keep up the popular momentum that has led to such an emphatic victory for Barack Obama with his promised platform of change. Obama must now be held accountable and the people must find ways to prevail over the well-entrenched forces and designs of corporate and imperialist betrayal. The same also holds for anti-imperialist forces in other parts of the world. Instead of losing our way in the spectacle of Obamania, we must all doggedly pursue our anti-imperialist and socialist agenda, grabbing with both hands the opportunities opened up by the present crisis and the end of the Bush era.

Clarion Call of the CPI(ML)’s Kolkata Congress: People’s Resistance, Left Resurgence

The Eighth Congress of the CPI(ML) has been held successfully in Kolkata. Held in the 150th anniversary of the First Indian War of Independence and the birth centenary of Shaheed-e-Azam Bhagat Singh, the 8th Congress boldly underlined the glorious anti-imperialist legacy of the Indian people. On the morning of December 10, a delegation of Congress delegates and guests from abroad went to Barrackpore to pay homage to the memorial of Mangal Pandey, the first martyr of 1857 and then returned to Kolkata to garland the statue of Bhagat Singh, whom the Congress recognised not only as rashtra nayak, the ever-inspiring national hero of the Indian people but also as a great communist pioneer. And then on the eve of the Congress, delegates and guests all assembled in a mass convention that denounced imperialism as a “War on Freedom, Democracy and Development” and resolved to resist imperialism in every sphere of life. Attended by more than 1200 delegates, observers and guests, the 8th Congress was much bigger in scale than all the previous Congresses of the Party, four of which had to be held in extremely challenging underground conditions. Apart from discussing and adopting the Political-Organisational Report placed by the outgoing Central Committee, the Congress also adopted three specific resolutions dealing with the current international situation, developing national situation and the raging agrarian crisis. The Congress also updated the Party’s General Programme as well as the Agrarian Programme after fifteen and twenty-five years respectively and thus enriched the Party’s strategic understanding regarding the Indian society and the ongoing pattern of narrow and predatory capitalist development overshadowed by both stubborn feudal remnants and imperialist dictates and interests. Several key themes have emerged from the Congress deliberations. In order that the CPI(ML) can intervene more powerfully in the deepening agrarian crisis it was resolved that the Party must now pay more attention to the peasant front alongside the core revolutionary agenda of mobilising the rural poor in militant struggles. If neo-liberalism is wreaking havoc in the countryside, impoverishing and expropriating sizeable sections of the peasantry and pushing people to suicides and starvation deaths, revolutionary communists must organise and lead a powerful counter-offensive by these victims of neo-liberalism. Signs of a massive rural unrest are already visible in almost every corner of the country and the 8th Congress of the CPI(ML) has called upon the entire Party to prepare in every way for the impending storm of people’s resistance. The Congress also discussed other major aspects of the current situation – large-scale destruction of jobs and livelihood in urban India, the growing shadow of US imperialism on India’s foreign policy and the systematic assault on democracy by every organ of the Indian state. The closure of old labour-intensive industries, the growing corporate takeover of the entire service sector, and commercialisation and privatisation of key sectors like education and health have pushed large sections of the urban population into a life of growing hardship and insecurity. And as real life becomes more miserable and insecure for more and more people across the country, the ruling elite keeps selling the ‘dream’ of turning India into a US-sponsored regional power riding high on nuclear energy and a soaring Sensex! The more the people are deprived of their basic democratic rights and divorced from resources that belonged and must belong to them, the louder gets the rhetoric of democracy and empowerment!
Such a situation definitely calls for a powerful Left and democratic movement in defence of land and livelihood, liberty and dignity – individual as well as national. But the growing derailment and degeneration of the CPI(M)-led government in West Bengal, especially the arrogance and audacity with which the CPI(M) leadership have sought to justify their policies and conduct regarding Singur and Nandigram have tarnished the image of the Left and may push the democratic forces away unless there is a resurgence of the real Left. The successful conclusion of the Kolkata Congress and the massive turnout at the December 18 rally has sent out that message of Left resurgence at a most appropriate juncture. The Congress did not merely symbolise ideological, political and organisational consolidation of the CPI(ML), it held out the promise of a resurgent Left forging closer ties with broader democratic forces to save India from becoming a neoliberal laboratory and a strategic pawn of Washington.