While Mayawati is being hailed for her party's unique
metamorphosis
from Bahujan to 'Sarvajan', Mayawati's victory has no doubt sharpened
the
aspirations of dalits in UP for democracy and empowerment. However, the
few
weeks that have followed Mayawati's ascension to power have witnessed a
disturbing trend: a spate of assaults and atrocities against dalits.
Take the example of Mohanlalganj, barely an hour's journey away from
the
seat of power in Lucknow. Here, a poor and aged dalit peasant was shot
dead,
and his son as well as daughter-in-law seriously injured .Their only
fault
was that they resisted the forcible grabbing of their land in the name
of
road by a rich Brahmin who also happened to be a government officer.
Despite
being pre-warned about the possibility of such an assault, police and
administration turned a blind eye.
In Raebareilly, again in the vicinity of the state capital, an old
dalit
agrarian labour was brutally beaten to death. He had refused to work
for a
Rajput landlord, since the landlord had not paid his long-due wages and
instead got him arrested on a false pretext of theft during the Mulayam
regime. Possibly emboldened by the formation of Mayawati Government he
asserted his minimum democratic right to accept or refuse an employer,
and
paid for it with his life. Significantly, the killers - upper caste
feudal
men, are also 'associated' with the BSP. So when the local Rajput BSP
leader
came to the spot apparently to assert the rights of dalits, he was
actually
maneuvering to save the main culprits, his caste-class kinsmen!
The Bundelkhand region, hit by famine and drought, is a site of
tremendous
agrarian distress. In Mahoba, a village in Bundelkhand, a dalit village
Pradhan was recently tied up and brutally beaten by a moneylender
landlord
of Brahmin origin. This humiliation and violence was inflicted on him
as
punishment when he failed to repay the usurious interest on the loan
lent by
the landlord. Recall that such moneylenders are responsible in a large
part
for turning Bundelkhand into another Vidarbha, with soaring suicide
rates of
poor peasants.
In western UP too, a dalit boy was killed - ironically when hen joined
others of his community who were celebrating the victory of Mayawati .
Here
too the 'Sarvajan' killers are yet to face any punishment.
The emerging pattern of these incidents indicates that despite the
'historic'
victory of Mayawati ji`s Sarvajan politics and the miraculous 'social
engineering', the assaults on dalits continue unabated. In fact perhaps
the
assault has intensified because there is assertion on the part of
dalits in
the wake of their heightened expectations, while the oppressors, too,
do see
a new hope in the Sarvajan Sarkar and assert their feudal 'right' to
oppress!
Liberating the state from the clutches of mafia-criminals was the USP
of
Mayawati in the recently held elections. Needless to say, this goal
requires
an uncompromising battle against criminalization of politics, not just
some
selective gimmicks based on political convenience. The use of criminals
to
grab power is the basic source of break-down of law and order in the
society. And obviously the vulnerable sections of the society, the poor
and
the dalits, are its worst victims.
Dalit emancipation and establishing a casteless society are the
proclaimed
strategic goals of Mayawati . The continuing atrocities on dalits even
in
the wake of victory is a warning that these goals are impossible
without
thoroughgoing democratization of the state and society. Doing away with
all
forms of feudal oppression, strict implementation of SC/ST Act without
dilution, resolving land disputes through proper land reforms by
constituting a Land Commission, ensuring proper and timely wages and
holding
the state machinery responsible for any lapse regarding atrocities on
the
poor are some of the minimum steps required.
Will the Mayawati govt., in its new avatar as government of the
Sarvajan,
dare to address these urgent issues of democratic reform that are the
only
possible bases of dalit dignity?
Sunday, June 17, 2007
Atrocities Against UP Dalits in the Wake of Mayawati's Victory:
People’s Petition Submitted on May 16 to Lok Sabha Speaker and President of India
Sir,
The subject of criminalisation of politics is one that concerns the entire nation closely. It is deeply disturbing that on the one hand, our polity is tolerant of ‘fake encounters’ (summary executions) of alleged criminals and terrorists, while our highest representative body – Indian Parliament – harbours people caught red-handed in acts of human trafficking, and convicted on charges of abduction and suspected murder. There is a tendency to tacitly justify the police killing of Sohrabuddin Sheikh by suggesting that he was, after all, a ‘criminal’ or even a ‘terrorist’. At the same time, Mohammad Shahabuddin, a convicted criminal whose reign of terror is notorious, enjoys the privilege of being a Member of Parliament. ‘Crime’ is used as a cover to justify State terror, while the State itself patronises and protects criminals – even those convicted by a court of law. The implications of this trend for Indian democracy are dangerous.
The conviction and life sentence of the sitting MP from Siwan, Mohammad Shahabuddin, by a Siwan sessions Court is a remarkable victory of a determined people’s struggle against a notorious criminal politician. Shahabuddin has been sentenced to life on charges of abduction and suspected murder of a CPI(ML) activist Chhote Lal Gupta eight years ago. The steadfastness and tenacity of the witnesses in the face of a terror campaign by the MP has resulted in this conviction.
Now the question faces us: will Parliament honour this people’s victory and this court judgement, and expel a convicted criminal from the precincts of Parliament? Will Parliament respect the norms of democracy and expel those involved in human trafficking from its ranks?
We would like to remind you that ten years ago, Chandrashekhar, a young activist who had left the prestigious Jawaharlal Nehru University in order to work among the poor and dispossessed in his hometown Siwan, was gunned down in broad daylight by Shahabuddin’s henchmen. Following a movement led by students and teachers of JNU, a CBI probe was eventually ordered into the killing. Is it not indeed strange that a local Court in Siwan should be able to deliver justice within eight years while the CBI should be unable even to frame a chargesheet after an entire decade?
We the undersigned – concerned citizens of this country as well as the people of Siwan – appeal to you to intervene to ensure:
• Immediate dismissal from parliament of convicted MP Mohammad Shahabuddin, as well as MPs accused of human trafficking Babubhai Katara and others;
• Speedy completion of CBI probe into Chandrashekhar’s murder
Signatories included Prof. Kamal Mitra Chenoy for the JNU Teachers’ Association, Prof. Rizwan Qaiser for the Jamia Teachers’ Association, Prof. Anuradha Chenoy of JNU, Profs. Tripta Wahi and Vijay SIngh of DU, educationist Anil Sadgopal, eminent journalist Sukumar Muralidharan, Prof. Mohan Rao of JNU, Jean Dreze, visiting Professor, Allahabad University, filmmaker Anand Patwardhan, Pranay Krishna, general Secretary of JSM, Satyadev Ram, ex-MLA, Mairwa, and Amarnath Yadav, MLA, Darauli, among others.
Shahabuddin’s Conviction: People’s Victory Against Criminalisation of Politics
Fourteen years ago, the Vohra Committee submitted its recommendations to curb criminalisation of politics – but these never saw the light of day. R.K. Narayanan, as President on the occasion of the golden jubilee celebrations of the Republic in 2001, spoke out against criminalization of politics. But Parliament is yet to take any action against the most notorious of its members - Md. Shahabuddin, recently sentenced to life imprisonment in a case of abduction and suspected killing of CPI(ML) activist Comrade Chhote Lal Gupta. he has also been sentenced to 2 years imprisonment for attacking the CPI(ML) office, while around 40 more cases of murder, kidnapping, having illegal arms like AK-47 etc., as well as the CBI inquiry into Comrade Chandrashekhar murder case, are still pending against him.
However, even after he has been sentenced with life imprisonment, though extremely belatedly, not a single political party, barring CPI(ML), has come out categorically, demanding his dismissal from parliament! Whatever the People’s Representation Act may say in this regard, if MPs can be summarily dismissed for cash in query episode, why can’t such an exceptional criminal be at least suspended from the highest institution of democracy in the land, even after he has been proven guilty by court for abducting a citizen to kill?
The reasons for this criminal apathy on the part of ruling parties of all hues are not far to seek. Can one expect it from the Congress or other UPA partners and supporters, who stand to lose one MP and antagonise an ally like Laloo Prasad? Should one expect it from BJP or NDA, whose leader and now the Dy. CM of ruling JD(U)-BJP combine, Sushil Modi and leaders of the then Samata Party, the predecessor of today‘s Nitish Kumar‘s JD(U), had complained of police bias and excesses against Shahabuddin, during the Pratappur shoot-out episode, expecting Shahabuddin to rebel against Laloo and help them topple Rabri govt. and form their own! It is not surprising that even CPI(M)-CPI have not come out with any demand for action against him. Somnath Chatterjee, so pro-active on corruption issues, is not ready to take any initiative to ‘uphold the dignity of the Parliament’ by ousting this criminal. All recall that as CPI(M) General Secretary Harkishan Singh Surjit had even campaigned for Shahabuddin during the last parliamentary elections.
Actually criminalization of politics no more hits the headlines of media, nor does it worry the ruling political parties, thanks to the grand consensus among them regarding their great use-value in winning elections and grabbing power! In fact one often finds jealous competition among political parties to win mafias to their fold, and often governmental power is used to do so. In the much hyped ‘clean’ elections of UP, almost all mafia-criminal turned politicians have won the elections, most of them as respected candidates of national political parties!
In this scenario, the indictment and life imprisonment for Shahabuddin is certainly a great people’s victory, thanks to the consistent and vigorous movement, launched by CPI(ML) all these years, against all odds. It has shown how the criminalization of politics can actually be fought and defeated.
When all political parties surrendered before the reign of terror unleashed by the Shahabuddin gang and practically withdrew from the political scene, it was CPI(ML) alone which fearlessly conducted a resistance struggle against him, of course, paying a heavy price with the martyrdom of many of its leaders and supporters. After the assassination of Comrade Chandrashekhar, the ex-president of JNUSU, a powerful and popular student movement erupted, forcing the then Gujral Govt. to order CBI inquiry into the case. Kaushalya Devi, Chandrashekhar’s mother, was at the forefront of the struggle for justice for the entire decade. It is really a matter of shame for the apex investigating agency of the country and reflects the political patronage enjoyed by Shahabuddin that even after a decade, the CBI is yet to chargesheet Shahabuddin in the case!
People of Siwan Hold Dharna at Parliament Demanding Shahabuddin’s Dismissal
On May 16, thousands of people from Siwan held a Dharna at Parliament Street demanding dismissal of Shahabuddin and completion of the CBI probe into Chandrashekhar’s murder. The Dharna was presided over by CPI(ML) MLA from Darauli Comrade Amarnath Yadav. Partiicpants from Siwan included former MLA from Mairwa Satyadev Ram, AIALA District Secretary from Siwan Jugal Thakur, Jaynath Yadav, member of the party District Committee, Naimuddin Ansari, former mukhia and District Committee member, RYA leader Ravindra Bharti, and several others. Participants from Delhi included Swami Agnivesh of the Bandhua Mukto Morcha, Mujtaba Farooque of the Jamaat-e-Islami Hind, Rakesh Rafiq of Yuva Bharat, Tanweer Fazal, lecturer at Jamia Millia Islamia and representative of Forum for Democratic Initiatives, Sandeep SIngh, General Secretary JNUSU, KK Pande, editor, Janmat, Pranay Krishna, former JNUSU President and General Secretary, Jan Sanskriti Manch, and Kavita Krishnan, editorial board, Liberation.
The highlight of the dharna was when Comrade Shital Paswan, main eyewitness in the Chhote Lal Gupta abduction case, spoke of his experience. Eight years ago, he said, Comrade Chhote Lal was summoned by Shahabuddin into his vehicle and whisked away. The next morning, a struggle began that still goes on. The police wouldn’t file an FIR – until the CPI(ML) gheraoed the thana for hours. Since then, Shital Paswan has hardly been able to stay with his family. His family has been approached several times with threats and bribes alike (the proffered bribe has been upto a crore rupees). Even his cousin in Delhi was approached and told to warn him to shut up. Yet, he gave evidence in Court – and it was his evidence that nailed Shahabuddin.
Shital Paswan recalled how Shahabuddin has been acquitted in several other cases involving the murder of BJP or JD(U) supporters, because the witnesses turned hostile, and in some cases, these parties did not even lodge an FIR. By contrast, Shital Paswan is proud of standing firm, not fearing for his life, and caring to sell his conscience. Shital Paswan displays the kind of stubborn courage characteristic of the ML movement itself in Siwan.
Saturday, June 16, 2007
Thursday, June 14, 2007
क्या नारद सिर्फ साहित्य का एक बंद कमरा बन कर रह गया ह
इससे ज्यादा खुली बात और क्या हो सकती है? इतना सब कहने के बावजूद भी अभी हाल ही मे एक चिठ्ठा बजार को हिंदी चिट्ठाजगत से बाहर निकाल देने की जो घटना हुई , वह निश्चय ही निंदनीय है। और सबसे बडे दुःख की बात तो यह है कि ये सब मेरे ही चिठ्ठे से शुरू हुआ। लेकिन इस घटना के बाद एक बहस शुरू हुई जिससे आशा की जा सकती थी कि एक स्वस्थ बहस शुरू हो , लेकिन ऐसा हुआ नही। उल्टे चिट्ठाकारी को बंद करने की बातें होने लगी। इसमे कोई शक नही कि प्रतिबंधित किये गए चिठ्ठे की भाषा अशोभनीय थी। लेकिन उसके बाद नारद के लोग भी काफी लिजलिजी सी हरकतें करने लगे तो शक होता है कि ऐसा क्यों। बेंगाणी बंधुओं ने नारद को चिट्ठी लिखकर कहा कि उक्त बजार ने उनके खिलाफ अशोभनीय बात कही है इसलिये उनका चिठ्ठा नारद से हटा दिया जाय। जितेंद्र भाई ने भी इसे खर पतवार का नाम दिया। अनूप जी ने भी कही कोई कसर बाकी नही छोडी । क्या यह साम्प्रदायिकता बनाम धर्म निरपेक्षता का मामला था या विचारधारा बनाम विचारधारा या फिर कुछ और जिसे हम अभी सोच नही पा रहे हैं। बेंगाणी बंधु नारद के संचालक मंडल मे हैं और नारद के सक्रिय सहयोगी भी। जितेंद्र जी भी नारद की व्यवस्था मे काफी सहयोग करते हैं। बेंगाणी बंधु चंदे वगैरह से नारद को सहयोग भी किया करते हैं लेकिन गली , मोहल्ले या बजारवाले नारद को ऐसा कोई सहयोग नही करते हैं। जाहिर है कि जिस देश मे चंदे देने वालों के हुक्म से सरकार चलती हो , वहाँ पर मात्र एक फीड गेटर और क्या उम्मीद की जा सकती है। हम वैश्विक धरातल पर पंहुचने का दवा तो करते हैं लेकिन हमारी सोच अभी तक वही गली मोहल्ले वाली है। जो चन्दा देगा , उसकी सुनी जायेगी और जो नही देगा , उसको बचाव का एक मौका तक नही दिया जाएगा। भले ही चन्दा देने वाला किसी के भी ब्लोग पर जाकर गलियां दे आये। ये तानाशाही नही तो और क्या है। खैर ये तो पुरानी परम्परा रही है कि कमजोर को ही दबाया जाता है। लेकिन अगर नारद सच मे एक पंथनिर्पेक्ष और लोकतांत्रिक प्लेट फॉर्म है तो क्या yअह माँग भी जायज नही है कि मेरी ब्लोग पर आकर गाली देने वाले बेंगाणी बंधुओं के खिलाफ भी कोई कार्रवाही की जाय ? लेकिन ऐसा होगा नही। क्यों कि चंदे के तो खेल ही निराले होते हैं।
क्या नारद सिर्फ साहित्य का एक बंद कमरा बन कर रह गया है या फिर इसे हिंदी ही नही बल्कि समाज मे जितनी भी तरह की असमानताएं हैं , उनके लिए अगर कोई बहस चलाई जाये तो उसका मंच नही बनना चाहिऐ ? मैं किसी अखाड़े की बात नही कर रहा हूँ , एक मंच की बात कर रहा हूँ। लेकिन ऐसा होता नही। कई लोग तो ऐसे हैं (जिनमे खुद नारद की सलाहकार समिति के लोग भी शामिल hain) जो ऎसी किसी बहस को कोई दिशा देने की जगह उसका बहिष्कार करना शुरू कर देते हैं , कुछ चिट्ठों का बहिष्कार करना शुरू कर देते हैं। यह तो उसी पक्षी वाली बात हुई जो कुछ भी होता देख अपना सर जमीन मे गाड़ देता है और समझता है कि अब कुछ नही होगा। लेकिन क्या इतने भर से ही बात ख़त्म हो जायेगी ? लेखक , साहित्यकार या पत्रकार , वही लिखता है जो समाज मे दिन प्रतिदिन होता रहता है। कही से कुछ भी नया नही रचा जाता है। कोई नयी कल्पना जन्म नही लेती है। रचना अपने आस पास हो रही क्रियाओं की ही प्रतिक्रिया है। तो क्या नारद को समाज से मिलने वाली फीडबैक के लिए तैयार नही रहना चाहिऐ ?
Sunday, June 10, 2007
इक्कीसवीं सदी के बच्चे
जन बच्चों की/गूंजी पहली किलकारी
शरणार्थी कैम्पों मे
जिसने देखा/अपनी मासूम आँखों से
धू धू कर जलते/अपने गाँव/अपनी बस्ती/अपना
घर
मां का बर्बर बलात्कार
धर्मांध/पैशाचिक/अट्टाहसों के बीच
बाप की बूढी आँखों मे/गर्म सलाख्ने
भाई के कलेजे में/लहू पीता त्रिशूल
दुधमुहे की गर्दन/देवमंदिर के चौखट पर
सोचता हूँ बार बार /सोचकर/बेचैन हूँ मैं/लगातार
जब होंगे /ये बच्चे/नौजवान
कहा होगी /इनकी जगह
महामहिम के सपनो के भारत में
उन बच्चों के बीच/जो
सयाने हो रहे हैं/खाते हुए फास्ट फ़ूड
पूछते हैं/विज्ञापन की भाषा में
मुसलमान गुंडे क्यों होते हैं पापा
फोटो साभार :- बी बी सी
Fascist Assault on Freedom
The dust on the sordid Fake Encounter saga had just begun to blow when came another instance of fascist overdrive in Gujarat. Earlier this month, goons affiliated to the ruling BJP-RSS-VHP combine barged into the Fine Arts Department of the MS University, Baroda, vandalizing the art work displayed by the post-graduate student, Chandra Mohan. The Vice Chancellor, M.S. Soni, a known RSS stooge, responded swiftly by first handing over the student to the police, then suspending the Dean of the Fine Arts Department, Shivaji Panniker, who had refused to be cowed down by the combined might of the Hindutva brigade, and then finally ordering the sealing of the department itself!
At the center of the storm were Chandra Mohan’s paintings depicting Sita and other goddesses. The saffron brigade charged that his paintings—which were not even on public display—were immoral and obscene. Their fragile sensibilities violated, vandalism became their incumbent duty. Earlier, M.F. Hussain has earned the ire of these groups for his paintings of Hindu Goddesses.
Unfortunately for the sham defenders of the faith, there exist numerous examples of the coupling of erotica, aesthetics and spirituality in the arts and literature for the past two and a half millennia for them now to turn their prurient noses at any one artist’s depiction and interpretation of mythology. The Siva Linga for instance. Or the yoni, the object of awe and reverence in the tantric sects. The widespread worship of lajja gowri (the shy goddess) who was typically represented with her feet held back and the vagina prominently displayed. The sculptures of Khujarao have appeared far too many times on the publicity brochures of the various tourism departments for even the Sanghis to feign ignorance. But for the purveyors of “One Nation, One Culture, One People”, all signs of multiple and alternative traditions must be erased. Thus an exhibition portraying the Jataka tale of Ram and Sita as a brother-sister duo was attacked in Ayodhya a few years ago. Thus too, the mazaar of Wali Dakhani, a symbol of syncreticism and plurality needed to be razed. As must now, the occlusion of the erotic from all art that evokes mythology.
Unfortunately the Sangh Parivar is not the only group that assaults freedom of artistic and political expression. The CPI(M) was full of virtuous indignation over the Sangh violence on artists at Gujarat, but seem to have conveniently forgotten that storm troopers from their own party had, less than ten days ago, attacked Shaonli Mitra eminent artists and intellectuals in Calcutta for speaking out against the Nandigram massacre. In CPI (M)-ruled Kerala, five students of a film and television college had been expelled last month for producing and directing a film on homosexuality – and neither the CPI(M) not the State Government did anything in their defence.
Next door to Gujarat, in Congress-ruled Maharashtra, in October 2006, a play on the working class culture of Bombay mills, “Cotton 56 Polyester 84”, was disrupted by the Maharashtra police and its performance prohibited in Nagpur. In the same month, police in Chandrapur (Maharashtra again), raided a book stall at Deekshabhoomi, where the golden jubilee of B.R. Ambedkar’s conversion was being commemorated. The publisher’s crime was selling books of Bhagat Singh (whose birth centenary the Congress is celebrating), Clara Zetkin and Che Guevera among others! Days after television channels beamed live the beating up of a Christain priest in Jaipur by BJP-Sangh workers, VHP goons emulated the same in Kohlapur. In true Modi style, the two Christian priests were arrested for inducing conversions through allurements and fraud. The VHP activists—caught on camera strutting their act—were let off for lack of a formal complaint against them!
Vigilante violence against Christians and Muslims has received legal crutches in the form of anti-conversion laws, which require extensive paper work and fees for converting to religions other than Hinduism. The law is routinely employed by the rightist goons to justify their own violence and to claim legal immunity. It is a sign of our times perhaps that the very law which is intended to curb the constitutional right to practice and propagate religion should be titled, “Freedom of Religion Bill”. This law operates in seven states: the most recent entrant to this illustrious club is Congress-ruled Himachal Pradesh. Though there were no express demands for an anti-conversion law, the state government decided to take pro-active measures to “infuse confidence among the people of the state”. The Principal Home Secretary conceded that the law was not based on any study or statistics indicating the presence or proliferation of forced conversions. Buoyed by the passage of the bill in Himachal, demands for a similar legislation are echoing elsewhere too: VHP’s Ashok Singhal welcomed the Himachal Government’s move and demanded the extension of this law to the entire country; the new Chief Minister of Uttarakhand Khanduri promised the (un)Freedom Bill to a congregation of Hindu priests in Haridwar.
Even as competitive communalism masquerades as a struggle between communalism and secularism, the battle lines are clearly drawn. The real pitched battles will be fought for extending and deepening democracy and defeating fascism.
यहाँ देश के सभी मुसलमान बच्चों को पंहुचा देना चाहिऐ
असगर वजाहत
३
शाह आलम कैम्प में आधी रात के बाद रूहें आती हैं। रूहें अपने बच्चो के लिए स्वर्ग से खाना लाती हैं,पानी लाती हैं ,दवाएं लाती हैं और बच्चों को देती हैं। यही वजह है कि शाह आलम कैम्प मे न तो कोई बच्चा नंगा भूखा रहता है और न बीमार । यही वजह है कि शाह आलम कैम्प बहुत मशहूर हो गया है। दूर दूर मुल्कों मे उसका नाम है।
दिल्ली के एक बडे नेता जब शाह आलम कैम्प के दौरे पर गए तो बहुत खुश हो गए और बोले --ये तो बहुत बढ़िया जगह है...यहाँ तो देश के सभी मुसलमान बच्चों को पंहुचा देना चाहिऐ।"
Saturday, June 9, 2007
त्रिशूल पर टंगे बच्चे की मां
शाह आलम कैम्प की रूहें
2
शाह आलम कैम्प मे आधी रात के बाद एक औरत की घबराई बौखलाई रूह पंहुची जो अपने बच्चे को तलाश कर रही थी। उसका बच्चा न उस दुनिया मे था न वह कैम्प मे था। बच्चे की मां का कलेजा फटा जाता था। दूसरी औरतों की रूहें भी सी औरत के साथ बच्चे को तलाश करने लगीं। उन सबने मिलकर कैम्प छान मारा ....मोहल्ले गयी....घर धूं धूं करके जल रहे थे। चुंकि वे रूहें थीं इसलिये जलते मकानों के अन्दर घुस गयीं....कोना कोना छान मारा लेकिन बच्चा न मिला।
आख़िर सभी औरतों की रूहें दंगाइयों के पास गई। वे कल के लिए पैट्रोल बम बना रहे थे। बंदूकें साफ कर रहे थे। हथियार चमका रहे थे। बच्चे की मां ने उनसे अपने बच्चे के बारे मे पूछा तो वे हंसने लगे और बोले - अरे पगली औरत , जब दस दस , बीस बीस लोगों को एक साथ जलाया जाता है तो एक बच्चे का हिसाब कौन रखता है ? पड़ा होगा किसी राख के ढ़ेर मे। "
मां ने कहा -- नही, नही मैंने हर जगह देख लिया है....कही नही मिला । "
तब किसी दंगाई ने कहा--अरे ये उस बच्चे की मां तो नही जिसे हम त्रिशूल पर टांग आये हैं।
वो सुबह कभी तो आयेगी
वो सुबह कभी तो आएगी
इन काली सदियों के सर से
जब रात का आँचल ढलकेगा
जब दुःख के बादल पिघ्लेंगे
जब सुख का सागर छलकेगा
जब अम्बर झूम के नाचेगा
जब धरती नगमे गायेगी
वो सुबह कभी तो आयेगी
बीतेंगे कभी तो दिन आख़िर
ये भूख के और बेकारी के
टूटेंगे कभी तो दिन आख़िर
दौलत-ओ-इजारेदारी के
जब एक अनोखी दुनिया की
बुनियाद उठाई जायेगी
वो सुबह कभी तो आएगी
मनहूस समाजी ढांचों मे
जब जुल्म न पाले जायेंगे
जब हाथ न काटे जायेंगे
जब सर न उछाले जायेंगे
जेलों के बिना जब दुनिया की
सरकार चलाई जायेगी
वो सुबह कभी तो आयेगी
संसार के सारे मेहनतकश
खेतों से, मिलों से निकलेंगे
बेघर , बेदर , बेबस इन्सान
तारीक बिलों से निकलेंगे
दुनिया अमन , खुश हाली के
फूलों से सजायी जायेगी
वो सुबह कभी तो आयेगी
जब धरती करवट बदलेगी
जब क़ैद से कैदी छूटेंगे
जब पाप घरौंदे फूटेंगे
जब जुल्म के बन्धन टूटेंगे
उस सुबह को हम ही लाएंगे
वो सुबह हम ही से आयेगी
वो सुबह कभी तो आएगी
शाह आलम कैम्प की रूहें
1
शाह आलम कैम्प मे दिन तो किसी न किसी तरह गुजर जाते हैं लेकिन रातें क़यामत की होती हैं। ऎसी नफ्सी-नफ्सी का आलम होता है कि अल्लाह बचाए। इतनी आवाजें होती हैं कि कान पडी आवाज़ नही सुने देती। चीख पुकार , शोर गुल , रोना चिल्लाना , आहें , सिसकियां ......
रात के वक़्त रूहें अपने बाल बच्चों से मिलने आती हैं , उनकी सुनी आंखो मे अपनी सूनी आंखें डालकर कुछ कहती हैं। बच्चो को सीने से लगा लेटी हैं। जिंदा जलाये जाने से पहले जो उनकी जिगरदोज़ चीखें निकली थीं वे पृष्ठभूमि मे गूंजती रहती हैं।
सारा कैम्प जब सो जता है , उन्हें इंतज़ार रहता है अपनी माँ को देखने का.....अब्बा के साथ खाना खाने का।
कैसे हो सिराज ? अम्मा की रूह ने सिराज के सर पर हाथ फेरते हुए कहा।
तुम कैसी हो अम्मा ?
माँ खुश नजर आ रही थीं बोली - सिराज....अब...मैं रूह हूँ.....अब मुझे कोई जला नही सकता। "
अम्मा...क्या मैं भी तुम्हारी तरह हो सकता हूँ ? "
Friday, June 8, 2007
सरकारों ने भगत सिंह की हत्या की
दरअसल भगत सिंह का हमारे राष्ट्रिय इतिहास मे जो सही स्थान है, उससे वंचित करके भारतीय शासकों ने उनके समझौता विहीन साम्राज्य विरोधी रैडिकल सोच तथा मेहनतकश जनता के प्रति उनकी पक्षधरता , उनके समाजवादी- मार्क्सवादी वैचारिक रुझान को जनता से छुपाने की कोशिश की।
सत्ता प्रतिष्ठान द्वारा भगत सिंह का यह अपमान केवल हमारी एतिहासिक विरासत का ही अपमान नही है , यह एक नए जनवादी खुश हाल भारत के निर्माण के शहीदों के सपने से विश्वास घात भी है। यह बात तय है कि साम्राज्यवादी शिकंजे से पूरी तरह मुक्त आत्मनिर्भर,शोषण विहीन ,आधुनिक लोकतांत्रिक राष्ट्र के निर्माण की जंग के परचम पर राष्ट्रिय नायकों की सूची मे जो नाम सबसे ऊपर अंकित होगा, वह शहीद-ए-आज़म भगत सिंह का होगा।
साभार - लाल बहादुर सिंह